If needed, they have been transliterated into Romanized characters, but original scripts such as Cyrillic or Chinese characters are included. When possible, the romanization preferred by the country has been used. The listing of any name in this article is not meant to imply an official position in any naming dispute. Entities considered to be micronations that are internationally not recognized are not included. There are entities on this list. The breakdown into categories is as follows: United Nations member states One state with general international recognition but not UN membership governed by the Holy See within Rome a UN permanent observer : the Vatican City.
One state, not a UN member since late , recognized by 24 UN members as well as the Holy See, and currently with de facto international relations with most states, the Republic of China , popularly referred to as Taiwan. One state, member of the African Union , recognized by 47 UN members though never itself a UN member, with more than half of its claimed territory under military occupation, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic in Western Sahara. Five states, neither UN members nor recognised by any states that are, but sovereign according to article 1 of the Montevideo Convention, Abkhazia , Nagorno-Karabakh , Somaliland , South Ossetia and Transnistria.
Unlisted are the following states that fail to reach the criteria but which customary international law nonetheless might define as states under the Montevideo Convention: Two states, in free association with New Zealand and represented in most matters by that country: Niue and the Cook Islands. One so-called state, a UN observer member, recognized by 96 other states, but with extraterritorial areas within Rome is the Sovereign Military Order of Malta.
One state, never a UN member, recognized by 93 other states, but without any de facto control over its claimed territory, the State of Palestine in the Palestinian territories. One state, never a UN member, only ever briefly recognised by the Republic of Georgia, with all of its claimed territory under military occupation, the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria.
According to a wider working definition, a nation-state is a type of state that conjoins the political entity of a state to the cultural entity of a nation, from which it aims to derive its political legitimacy to rule and potentially its status as a sovereign state if one accepts the declarative theory of statehood as opposed to the constitutive theory.
A state is specifically a political and geopolitical entity, while a nation is a cultural and ethnic one. The concept of a nation-state can be compared and contrasted with that of the multinational state, city-state, empire, confederation, and other state formations with which it may overlap. The key distinction is the identification of a people with a polity in the nation-state. The origins and early history of nation-states are disputed. Two major theoretical questions have been debated.
For others, the nation existed first, then nationalist movements arose for sovereignty, and the nation-state was created to meet that demand. Most theories see the nation-state as a modern European phenomenon, facilitated by developments such as state-mandated education, mass literacy, and mass media including print. However, others look for the roots of nation-states in ancient times.
The Westphalian system did not create the nation-state, but the nation-state meets the criteria for its component states. This map of Europe, outlining borders in , demonstrates that still at the beginning of the 19th century, Europe was divided mostly into empires, kingdoms, and confederations. Hardly any of the entities on the map would meet the criteria of the nation-state.
Nation-states have their own characteristics that today may be taken-for-granted factors shaping a modern state, but that all developed in contrast to pre-national states. Their territory is considered semi-sacred and nontransferable.
Nation-states use the state as an instrument of national unity, in economic, social, and cultural life. Nation-states typically have a more centralized and uniform public administration than their imperial predecessors because they are smaller and less diverse. After the 19th-century triumph of the nation-state in Europe, regional identity was usually subordinate to national identity.
In many cases, the regional administration was also subordinate to central national government. This process has been partially reversed from the s onward, with the introduction of various forms of regional autonomy in formerly centralized states e. The most obvious impact of the nation-state, as compared to its non-national predecessors, is the creation of a uniform national culture through state policy.
The model of the nation-state implies that its population constitutes a nation, united by a common descent, a common language, and many forms of shared culture. When the implied unity was absent, the nation-state often tried to create it. The creation of national systems of compulsory primary education is usually linked with the popularization of nationalist narratives.
Even today, primary and secondary schools around the world often teach a mythologized version of national history. While some European nation-states emerged throughout the 19th century, the end of World War I meant the end of empires on the continent.
They all broke down into a number of smaller states. However, not until the tragedy of World War II and the post-war shifts of borders and population resettlement did many European states become more ethnically and culturally homogeneous and thus closer to the ideal nation-state.
Although the Peace of Westphalia did not end war in Europe, it established the precedent of peace reached by diplomatic congress and a new system of political order in Europe based upon the concept of co-existing sovereign states. The peace negotiations involved a total of delegations representing European powers. The treaties did not restore peace throughout Europe, but they did create a basis for national self-determination. Initially a war between various Protestant and Catholic states in the fragmented Holy Roman Empire, it gradually developed into a more general conflict involving most of the great powers.
The war began when the newly elected Holy Roman Emperor, Ferdinand II, tried to impose religious uniformity on his domains, forcing Roman Catholicism on its peoples.
The northern Protestant states, angered by the violation of their rights to choose granted in the Peace of Augsburg, banded together to form the Protestant Union. These events caused widespread fears throughout northern and Central Europe, and triggered the Protestant Bohemians living in the dominion of Habsburg Austria to revolt against their nominal ruler, Ferdinand II.
Frederick took the offer without the support of the union. The southern states, mainly Roman Catholic, were angered by this. Led by Bavaria, these states formed the Catholic League to expel Frederick in support of the emperor.
The war became less about religion and more of a continuation of the France—Habsburg rivalry for European political preeminence. Sweden, a major military power in the day, intervened in under the great general Gustavus Adolphus and started the full-scale great war on the continent. Spain, wishing to finally crush the Dutch rebels in the Netherlands and the Dutch Republic, intervened under the pretext of helping their dynastic Habsburg ally, Austria.
No longer able to tolerate the encirclement of two major Habsburg powers on its borders, Catholic France entered the coalition on the side of the Protestants to counter the Habsburgs. The war altered the previous political order of European powers.
The rise of Bourbon France, the curtailing of Habsburg ambition, and the ascendancy of Sweden as a great power created a new balance of power on the continent, with France emerging from the war strengthened and increasingly dominant in the latter part of the 17th century. After the initial stages, Philip II deployed his armies and regained control over most of the rebelling provinces.
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